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Posts Tagged ‘public plan’

Low Expectations For Public Plan Comeback

Bloggers are re-checking the public plan’s pulse after 20 Democratic senators signed a new letter in support of the measure but they don’t see much life.

Hot Air’s Allah Pundit, watching a video exchange between HHS Secretary Kathleen Sebelius and MSNBC host Rachel Maddow, thinks the buzz will amount to little: “now that I’ve watched Sebelius, I think the whole thing’s a lame bluff. Note well how she qualifies her reply to Maddow: Yeah, sure, we’re totally open to a public plan — so long as there’s a majority in the Senate that’ll go for it.”

The New Republic’s Jonathan Cohn thinks the politics are treacherous for efforts to include a public option: “At this point, it’s going to take a herculean effort by President Obama and the leadership to secure fifty votes even for a modest reconciliation bill, one that merely fixes some of the more egregious flaws in the bill the Senate finally passed. Adding a public option–something more conservative Democrats never liked in the first place–will make that task a lot harder.”

The Washington Post’s Ezra Klein, thinks adding a public option could invigorate the Democratic base, but says: “I’d still bet against the public option. For one thing, there’s sharp resistance to this idea in the White House. The administration has just spent weeks rebranding itself as a bipartisan outpost in a sea of bickering hacks. Resuscitating the most controversial element of the bill and running it through reconciliation looks less like reaching out and more like delivering a hard left cross to the opposition.”

Time’s Kate Pickert also says she “remains very skeptical that a final Democratic bill, even one passed via reconciliation, will include a public option.”

The Weekly Standard’s Gary Andres argues that Republicans could come out well in next week’s health care ’summit’ because public opinion of GOP health care ideas improve the more Republicans discuss them.

And John Goodman surveys the policy gaps between Democrats and Republicans and comes to a glum conclusion: “It’s hard to see how a gulf this wide can be bridged.”

Friday, February 19th, 2010

Some Liberals Still Fighting To Strengthen House Bill’s Public Option

After a short break, commentators are back to the public option.

Heritage’s Conn Carroll, channeling Mike Meyers’ Saturday Night Live Character Linda Richman says the public option “is neither public, nor an option. Let’s discuss.”

The Washington Post’s Ezra Klein writes, “Most health-care wonks agree that the immense controversy generated by the public option has deflected attention from other important elements of the bill. You can draw only so many lines in the sand before a couple begin getting washed away. But there’s a split on whether that distraction has been a good or bad thing.”  Klein lumps himself in the “good thing ” camp, saying “it’s been a boon for the bill.”

Distraction or no, The New Republic’s Suzy Khimm reports that “House liberals still aren’t backing away from their push to strengthen the public option in the reform bill. Raul Grijalva, co-chair of the Congressional Progressive Caucus, sent a letter to [House Speaker Nancy] Pelosi on Friday that demanded an up-or-down vote on the Medicare-plus-5 rates–the strong public option that was passed up in favor of negotiated provider rates.”

Bob Laszewski says of the die-hards:

 I have been gratified to see many of these same people point out the health care bills have little in the way of cost containment. Their response was that the public option was a necessary means to that end. Without the public option, many said, there was no hope for long-term affordability. Now that the public option has been neutered in the House, and in that context an even more reluctant Senate is more unlikely to take any bold public option steps, just what will all of these people who saw it as the tool to manage costs say now?

Laszewski, a continued skeptic of the potential for a public option to constrain costs, says the bills before Congress do not lead “to health care reform or any real cost containment result.”

And Health Care for America Now distributed a new graph, sure to be picked up by the public plan proponents that are still working to change the newly announced legislation, that shows the difference in medical benefit-ratios, or the proportion of premium dollars spent on health costs, between Medicare and private insurers. hcan pub option graph

Tuesday, November 3rd, 2009

A Rush To Dissect The House Bill

The House unveiled its final health overhaul bill this morning, presenting anxious Beltway observers with almost 2,000 pages to digest.

Some bloggers quickly went to work dissecting the bill, pointing out their least favorite provisions or looking for differences that remain with the other chamber.  Others are taking in the moment.

Critical Condition’s Mark Hemingway catalogues responses from GOP lawmakers, including Minority Leader John Boehner, who says the bill is “clearly designed for government takeover of our system.”

Wonk Room’s Igor Volsky has 10 reasons that Republicans should support the bill (though only one GOP senator has so far), framing  in an “Republicans asked for, Republicans got” style.  One example:

1. REPUBLICANS ASKED FOR – DEFICIT NEUTRAL BILL: “Do the American people believe that this almost 2,000 page bill won’t add to the deficit?” [Rep. Eric Cantor, 10/29/2009]

HOUSE BILL – DEFICIT NEUTRAL BILL: According to the Congressional Budget Office, the House bill costs $894 billion over 10 years and actually reduces the deficit by $30 billion and continues to reduce the deficit over the second 10 years.

Hot Air’s Ed Morrissey quips, “Nancy Pelosi and the House Democratic Caucus will unveil their version of ObamaCare this morning, and the New York Times reports some significant changes made in the last few days.  First, the ‘public option,’ which had changed to the quasi-Orwellian name of ‘competitive option,’ now goes the full 1984 to the ‘consumer option.’”

Heritage’s Marguerite Higgins writes, “As we scour through this 1,990-page monster of a bill (topping the 1,502-page health bill from the Senate Finance Committee), it will be important to determine how the feds and health care providers will come to these negotiated rates. Plus, other questions crop up, like will the government-run plan be subject to the same rules and market regulations that private insurers face? If we see the same language in the new House bill that was in H.R. 3200, then government will operate on an unlevel playing field where it has a clear advantage in the marketplace.”

Families USA’s Julia Eisman says the bill “sets a gold standard.”

The New Republic’s Jonathan Cohn titles his post, “House to PhRMA: No Deal.”  Cohn notes that the House bill does not square with the White House and PhRMA’s $80 billion deal: “The House, though, was not party to this deal. And so it’s decided to ask a little more–about twice as much, in fact.”

The Washington Post’s Ezra Klein interviews Rep. John Dingell, D-Mich., saying, “there is no politician alive today who has worked as long, or as hard, on health-care reform as Rep. John Dingell Jr.” Indeed, the octogenarian has worked on health legislation for decades. Dingell says, “This is the furthest I can recall health-care reform ever going, including in my days, and my dad’s days. A bill moving in the House. A bill moving in the Senate. Strong support in the admin. Strong popular support for the bill. A carefully crafted piece of legislation. A willingness of everybody to work together to work together towards what is a widely shared common goal.”

And The American Spectator’s Philip Klein points out new tax provisions, “Scanning through the bill, I noticed that the bill would add a new section to the federal tax code: “PART VIII:HEALTH CARE RELATED TAXES.” Among the new taxes are penalties for individuals who don’t purchase insurance and employers who don’t provide insurance, income tax surcharges of up to 5.6% to those earning more than $1 million, and a 2.5% excise tax on medical devices.”

Thursday, October 29th, 2009

Mulling Over Lieberman’s Threat

Lieberman 200Bloggers are trying to figure out why Senator Joseph Lieberman, independent from Connecticut, announced yesterday that he would filibuster any bill containing a public option.

Slate’s Timothy Noah asks if “Lieberman just killed the public option?”  Noah thinks Lieberman’s motives lie with the clout of insurance companies in his state (approximately 64,000 emploees).  He concludes, “If I’m right that Lieberman is determined to line up behind the insurance industry, then there’s no hope he will ever support any version of the public option, even on a procedural cloture vote, because there’s no hope insurers will support a public option. And if health insurers decide in the end to oppose health reform without a public option, Lieberman will oppose that, too.”

The American Spectator’s Philip Klein quips, “Momentum for Government Plan Stopped by Joe-Mentum.”

Nate Silve of FiveThirtyEight.com says what Lieberman “wants, in all probability, is attention.”  Or maybe a puppy.

Hot Air’s Allah Pundit says, “I’ve got a crazy hunch that he media’s strange new respect for free-thinkin’ independent-minded centrists like Snowe and Susan Collins won’t be extended to Joe Liebs,” and offers an ‘exit question’: “Is it a bluff?”

The New Republic’s Jonathan Cohn doesn’t seem surprised by these developments: “I’ve been thinking for a couple weeks that Joe Lieberman is the Democrats’ biggest potential problem. The rest of the party has a strong incentive to pass health care reform and avoid a 2010 catastrophe. But Lieberman? He’s not a Democrat and won’t be running on the Democratic ticket in 2012. Moreover, my read on him is that he’s furious with the party, resentful of President Obama (who beat his friend in 2008) and would relish a Democratic catastrophe.”

Heritage’s Conn Carroll says Lieberman’s critique is “dead on.”  He announces, “Americans who like making their own health care choices received welcome news yesterday when Sen. Joe Lieberman (I-CT) said he would be willing to block final passage of Obamacare if the government run health insurance program Majority Leader Harry Reid (D-NV) announced Monday survives the amendment process during the Senate debate.”

But the Washington Post’s Ezra Klein takes a different tack: “I don’t know why I don’t take Joe Lieberman’s threat to filibuster health-care reform more seriously, but I just don’t.”  Klein thinks Lieberman’s objections to the bill will likely be settled by a CBO score.

Wednesday, October 28th, 2009

Reid’s Public Plan Compromise

reid tweet

Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid’s new announcement on the health overhaul front: the inclusion of a public plan option in the Senate’s soon-to-be announced final bill. 

Reid settled on a state “opt-out” provision, which, as NPR’s Scott Hensley reports, could send the lone Republican supporter packing: “But Snowe cautioned her vote in favor of Baucus’s plans was just her vote for that day and not a guarantee of future support. Indeed, as Reid acknowledged Monday afternoon, Snowe ‘doesn’t like a public option of any kind.’ But, he hasn’t given up on her, ‘There will be a time, I hope, when she sees the wisdom of supporting a health-care bill” that includes a public option.’”

There’s plenty of time to keep lobbying Snowe, according to the New York Times’ David Herszenhorn: “Don’t get overexcited just yet. There’s still a long way to go. In the Great Health Care Debate of 2009, brief flashes of news, like Monday’s announcement by the Senate majority leader, Harry Reid of Nevada, that he would include a government-run plan in the Senate bill, are typically preceded and followed by long stretches of waiting and waiting. And this week will be no exception.”

Moving onto the opinion blogosphere, a read of reactions across the ideological spectrum reveals a fundmental disagreement between conservatives and liberals over what Sen. Reid’s compromise really represents.

Hot Air’s Allah Pundit is unimpressed: “[Reid] hasn’t even sent the bill to CBO to be scored yet so I’m not sure what we’re supposed to react to here, aside from the left’s success in getting something with a public plan to the floor which (a) may not even have 60 votes behind it and (b) is almost guaranteed to lose The One’s very small fig leaf of bipartisan support as Olympia Snowe walks away.”

Connie Hair of Human Events thinks the term “opt-out” is a “facade”: “Reid also said his bill will include an ‘opt out’ at the state level which is a façade. Can individuals ‘opt out’ of the penalties and the mandatory coverage?  Can individuals ‘opt out’ of paying for government-run health care for everyone else in the country in the form of higher premiums, higher taxes, and Medicare cuts?  Can small business owners ‘opt out’ of the higher payroll taxes?”

Heritage’s Conn Carroll says, “Opt out, the trigger, and co ops will not get to government run health care immediately. They will all take time to develop. But no matter what road they try and bring Americans down, the destination is always the same: everybody in out, nobody out; that is, was, and always will be Obama’s ultimate goal.”

Bloggers on the left have a vastly different interpretation: the Washington Post’s Ezra Klein calls the opt-out plan “conservative:”  

In many ways, this is a fundamentally conservative approach to a liberal policy experiment. It’s only offered to individuals eligible for the insurance exchanges, which is a small minority of the population. The majority of Americans who rely on employer-based insurance would not be allowed to choose the exchanges. From there, it is only one of many options on the exchange, and only in states that choose to have it. In other words, it has been designed to preserve the status quo and be decided on the state level. Philosophically, these are major compromises liberals have made on this plan. They should get credit for that.

Jonathan Cohn’s reaction? “Wow.”  Cohn, The New Republic’s health policy maven, continues, “it is hard to overstate what a turnaround this is–or how quickly it happened. By late summer, passing any reform at all looked like a fifty-fifty proposition at best. And even as the political environment shifted, the public option looked doomed. It was going to take sixty votes to get a public option through the Senate. The votes just weren’t there. To be clear, they still aren’t there.” 

Wonk Room’s Igor Volksy hews to his blog’s namesake by explaining what exactly the states could be opting-out from.  According to Volksy, it could be a national public plan that pays Medicare rates plus 5% or a national public plan that negotiates its own rates with providers. 

Volsky continues, “the other possibility — less likely given Reid’s reluctance to ask the CBO to score the proposal — is to combine the opt-out public option with a trigger — ensuring that states could only opt out of the public option if the private market offers meaningful and affordable coverage. Any opt-out proposal should also provide for a simple ‘opt-back-in process’ (mandating that state legislatures vote on the opt out every year, for instance.)”

Then there’s libertarian Michael Cannon, who thinks the compromise is just plain politics: “it helps [him] survive as majority leader by appeasing his left wing.  It doesn’t make it any more (or less) likely that Fannie Med will survive.”

Tuesday, October 27th, 2009

Just Thinking About…The ‘Public Option’

Looks like a final Senate health overhaul bill could be unveiled this week, and it’s certain to be another monumental paper stack for commentators around the nation to parse through.

The Heritage Foundation compiled a graphic (above) comparing the size of various bills, with the Finance Committee coming in at over 1,500 pages. 

Heritage’s Read Hederman writes:

[W]hat really has Congress League fans talking is that, for the first time in fifteen years, a team has set a new all-time division record for gigantic, unintelligible, unaffordable, over-regulatory, federal legislation.

Indeed, the big news is that S. 1796 has dethroned the previous all-time champion  in the League’s Health Division — the 1993 Clinton “Health Security Act” (S.1757, 103rd season). For nearly a decade and a half, the record set by the 1,364-page “Clinton Bill” — or “the doorstop,” as health policy experts, many of whom still keep souvenir copies on their bookshelves, affectionately know it — stood unchallenged. Not any more. With its extra 138 pages of heft, the Finance Committee bill beat the old Clinton bill record by a full ten percent!

Of course, the particulars of the Senate’s final bill are still in doubt, especially when it comes to the eternal “Will there be a ‘public plan option’” question.

We may know the answer sooner than anticipated: TPMDC’s Brian Beutler reports that Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid, Nev., is set to give a bill combining the HELP and Finance Committee efforts to the Congressional Budget Office today for a score.  According to Beutler, “A highly placed source suggests that bill is likely to include a public option with an opt out clause, despite the fact that the White House is skeptical that this is the most politically viable strategy.”

But Cato’s Michael Cannon calls the possibility of an “opt-out” for states “a ruse within a ruse.” Cannon, who refers to a public plan option as “Fannie Med,” argues: “State officials are obsessed with maximizing their share of federal dollars.  Voters will crucify officials who opt out.  Fannie Med supporters know that.  They’re counting on it. A state opt-out provision does not make Fannie Med any more moderate.  It is not a concession.”

Others are reporting that lawmakers are frustrated with the White House’s (lack of?) position on a public plan.   (more…)

Monday, October 26th, 2009

Many Flavors Of A Public Plan

Developments this week are “far from the last episode of ‘As the Public Option Turns.’”  Politico Pulse’s Chris Frates explains:

It’s dead. It’s alive. It’s robust, state-based and opt-out. It’s the public option in all its varied forms. And the flavor this week is the opt-out, a national public insurance plan that would allow states to opt out of participating. The proposal got a huge boost yesterday when word spread that Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid was inclined to include it in the Senate bill he will take to the floor. And while the news is important because it signals that the public option — left for dead after the August recess — is a contender again, yesterday’s breathless speculation on its bright future is a bit premature.

Jacob Hacker, widely credited as the originator of the public plan idea, comes out against a “trigger” idea on the New Republic’s The Treatment. Hacker says, “In short, we cannot wait for a public plan—and one of the biggest problems with a trigger is that it virtually guarantees we will have to.”

The Washington Post’s Ezra Klein outlines scenarios in the House, which appears ready to present three different ‘public plan’ “flavors”:

The House of Representatives is readying itself to release three delicious flavors of health-care reform. One of the bills will have a public option trigger. Another will have a level-playing field proposal. And the third will have the Hardy’s Thickburger of public options: Medicare rates plus 5 percent, national, the whole deal. They’re even forming a commission of independent experts to build a new formula that addresses the concerns of rural and Pacific Coast members, both of whom feel that Medicare underpays their hospitals.

It doesn’t matter to James Capretta which version the House goes with. He blasts House Dems’ strategy to pass a tweaked bill, frustrated that nothing has been presented for public viewing:

If House leaders decide to go public with CBO’s apparent bottom line, CBO really should be obligated to go public with the entire analysis to ensure no misunderstanding. Otherwise CBO’s findings can be distorted. House Democrats are trying to build momentum again toward passage by creating the impression they have found a painless way to turn their budget-busting bill from July into one that actually cuts the deficit. It’s CBO’s job to make sure no one gets away with this kind of phony free-lunch argument. If in fact a new version of the House bill reduces the federal budget deficit over two decades, someone is paying. Who? Here’s betting that’s it’s the American middle class. And as soon as that becomes known, the new updated House bill is likely to become just as unpopular as the now dead and buried old one.

Is some of the opposition to Dems’ plans floundering? Politico’s Ben Smith says insurers are failing in their efforts to get positive publicity for new reports on the cost of health overhaul bills: “What might have in another era been a clean shot — for AHIP, a leak to the Washington Post; today, to another paper; instead seems to be sending these documents as orphans into a media universe that views them, appropriately, as arguments for one side, rather than revelatory statements of fact, and where left-leaning wonks are primed to tear them apart.”

Insure Blog’s Bob Vineyard calls President Obama “a finger wagging President” while mulling over the health overhaul debate and says, “The politicians promise to make health care and health insurance more affordable. Problem is, the way they are going about it won’t accomplish either. So now both sides, politicians and health insurance companies, are pointing fingers saying the other side lied.  If either side really knows the truth, they aren’t telling it.”

Think Progress’ Matthew Yglesias reviews comments from Sen. Mary Landrieu, D-La., (highlighed by the Washington Monthly’s Steve Benen) that some people like the idea of a public plan option because they think it would mean “free health care.”  Yglesias concludes: “I think maybe she doesn’t understand what’s being proposed and thinks that liberals are proposing to create an additional spending commitment. In reality, adding a public option would make the Finance bill cheaper and not involve any additional taxpayer subsidies.”

Reason’s Ronald Bailey takes the former point to the extreme — saying “no one knows anything in health care.”  His solution? “Competition in markets tends to lower prices and improve quality over time. It can do so in health care markets as well.”

Friday, October 23rd, 2009

Looking for More

 Bloggers continue to focus on the various facets of the health overhaul debate, in particular, that the Finance Committee bill needs additional funding.

Bob Laszewski pounds away at the Finance Committee bill, which he argues could “make access even more problematic” because of insufficient subsidies for middle-income families in the context of a weakened individual mandate.  Laszewski also takes time to blast AHIP for bad PR strategy, saying, “I swear, if AHIP issued a press release on a crystal clear day telling DC the sun was shining no one would believe them.”

Heritage’s Brian Darling is upset with reports that the health overhaul bills are being crafted “in secret:” “Democracy does not begin and end on Election Day for the American people. Whether you are for or against Obamacare, we the people deserve an opportunity to read, digest and understand the most important health care legislation to be debated in the United States Senate in our lifetime. The American people relied upon the promise of the Obama Administration and the leadership in Congress to be open and transparent, therefore it is time to stop the closed door negotiations and allow the American people to participate in the democratic process.”

Health Beat’s Maggie Mahar argues that insurers are “running scared” because “the public sector option is still alive.” With this point, she says she means “Medicare E (Medicare for everyone)” which she describes as “a public option for patients under 65, run by the federal government.  The scent of real competition is what has insurers on the run.”

Perhaps the public option is still breathing, but according to Hot Air’s Ed Morrissey, not because of much help from President Obama: “Is this leadership?  It’s a passive-aggressive approach that leaves both progressives and moderates in Obama’s own party twisting in the wind.  Obama wants his advisers to take all of the flak from progressive action groups that will result from a retreat on government-run health insurance, but doesn’t have the stomach to take that hit himself.  The end result is confusion among legislators on Capitol Hill, and further entrenchment on either side of the issue.”

The New Republic’s staff editorial argues that lawmakers’ “desire to expand health insurance coverage exceeds their willingness to pay for it,” and they need to find more money for the health bills but are running into roadblocks:

With so many ways to raise revenue, finding some combination capable of winning majorities in both chambers would seem simple. It isn’t. Liberals don’t like the insurance excise tax, in no small part because unions don’t want it affecting older workers who won generous benefits in past collective bargaining agreements. Centrists want no part of taxes outside the health care system, particularly those that target the wealthy. And neither group seems seriously interested in extracting more concessions from the health care industry, which may have a little something to do with the fact that it bankrolls so many political campaigns.

The Washington Post’s Ezra Klein uses an answer from Sen. Olympia Snowe to take a big picture look at health reform efforts this year, arguing, “We have a conservative system of government (in that it’s very hard to change the status quo), and [Democratic lawmakers] designed health-care reform to be sensitive to that fact.”

Mark Trahant looks at another issue in the health overhaul debate: an exemption for Indian Americans to the requirement to purchase insurance.  According to Trahant, “But even if you agree with the exemption – as I do – there remains another issue to resolve, the money. Unless health care reform substantially improves the funding stream for the Indian health care delivery system, then the individual exemption is only a guarantee of permanent disparity.”

Monday, October 19th, 2009

More to life than the public plan

Today bloggers are turning to amendments offered to the Senate Finance Commitee other than Tuesday’s failed public option submissions.

Paul Testa of the New Health Dialogue pulled key words from the Democratic and Republican senators’ opening statements made during last week’s markup hearings. According to the word clouds, “health” and “insurance” were the most common ones used by both parties. Those spectators of those opening festivities often noted the differing tone between the parties, which is not borne out by this comparison.
Dems:

Reps:

But onto the amendments.

Time’s Karen Tumulty reports that Olympia Snowe may decide to withdraw her much-anticipated amendment to create a “trigger” for a public option, and instead “offer it when the bill reaches the Senate floor.”

Critical Condition’s John Hood, referring to the defeat of a public plan option in the Senate Finance bill, says, “winning that one battle won’t win the war.”  He continues:

It is critically important that we all understand what will happen if a Baucus-type bill passes even without a government-run plan or government-sponsored cooperatives. Once the federal government enacts a mandate that businesses or individuals purchase government-approved health insurance — along with new regulations that essentially abolish real insurance in favor of mandatory, prepaid health care for all comers — the resulting political dynamic will lead inevitably to the unraveling of the private market and a government takeover in the future.

Anthony Wright of the Health Access Blog examines what he calls “the other big debate in the Senate Finance Committee.” This battle was focused on amendments regarding whether a minimum actuarial value standard should be set for plans offered through the health insurance exchange.

The Washington Post’s Ezra Klein reports that an amendment from Orrin Hatch that would require women to purchase separate insurance to cover abortions was rejected.

Philip Klein of the American Spectator blog says commitee members voted down an amendment from John Ensign that would have exempted middle-class families from paying a penalty for not purchasing health insurance.

Wonk Room’s Igor Volksy relays debate between Chuck Grassley and Jeff Bingaman over whether to require people applying for Medicaid to show a photo ID.

To round out your afternoon, a group called PSAmockery spoofed a video that’s been making the rounds that featured celebrities mocking insurance company executives.  The new “spoof of a spoof”  is matched almost shot-by-shot to the former video, but the message has changed: “Something terrible is happening… Overpaid celebrities don’t have a big enough voice when it comes to health care reform.” (Via Hot Air)

Thursday, October 1st, 2009

Public Plan Vote Aftermath: Mostly Dead or Slightly Alive?

On Tuesday the Senate Finance Commitee, the last of the five panels in Congress to consider a health overhaul bill and generally recognized as a proxy to the Senate’s final vote tally, struck down two amendments to include a government health insurance plan (commonly referred to as the “public option”) in its sweeping health bill. 

Although the other four commitee measures currently include a public plan, many commentators identified yesterday’s vote as the key marker of both the fate of a public option and the Democrats’ ability to coalesce around the current proposals to successfully pass a bill.

Philip Klein of the American Spectator predicts a tough road ahead for liberals:

Thus, the whole health care fight may hinge on whether the White House will be able to get liberal lawmakers to drop their demands for a government plan. This is problematic. The reason is that one of the most obvious ways to win over liberals would be to increase the level of subsidies to individuals seeking to purchase health insurance, yet doing so would substantially drive up the cost of legislation. President Obama has boxed himself into a corner on that front by declaring that his plan would cost $900 billion, and by vowing to veto any bill that adds to the deficit.

But some offer a glimmer of hope within the gloom and doom. Katherine Mangu-Ward of Reason tips her hat to The Princess Bride, quoting Miracle Max to illustrate the state of a public option: “It just so happens that your friend here is only MOSTLY dead. There’s a big difference between mostly dead and all dead. Mostly dead is slightly alive.”

The New Republic’s Jonathan Cohn reacts, “This is not the slightest bit surprising. But it’s still frustrating.”  But he sides with the “slightly alive” interpretation of the public plan’s prognosis:

The odds are against enactment, particularly for the Rockefeller amendment. But Schumer’s, which is more or less identical to HELP’s, may be able to get fifty votes. Then it becomes a question of whether moderate Democrats, even those voting against the public option, would break ranks and uphold a filibuster over it–and how much Democratic Party leaders, including the one sitting in the Oval Office, care about the one or two Republican votes they stand to lose over this issue.

The Washington Post’s Ezra Klein thinks moderates compromised too much by voting no on the public option amendment and will need to make other concessions before the bill is finished:

Now the moderate bloc will need to extract something else in an eleventh-hour bargain to show that they applied their centrist convictions to the legislation. Baucus makes it sound as though he’s attempting to ensure a deal. But in reality, he’s just depriving the centrists of the ability to make their deal. That means they’ll have to make a different one, and the bill will get worse twice rather than once.

Heritage’s Matt Spalding responds to Democrat Jay Rockefeller’s assertion that Adam Smith would have supported a public option:

But does Rockefeller seriously think Adam Smith’s principles are consistent with the government-run healthcare?  This view depends on the patently false idea that competition would be enhanced by the addition of a new player – the government – in the insurance market. The problem is that government, by definition, isn’t just another economic player, and will always tend to want to control markets for its political purposes. That threatens economic as well as political liberty. (Hmmm . . . isn’t this why we favor free markets in the first place?)

Hot Air’s Ed Morrissey thinks it’s that the amendments were potentially “offered as distraction” from the possibility that a public plan option will be reinserted in conference:

This won’t be the last attempt to attach a public option to the bill, but the rest will probably have as much success.  It’s far more likely to get added into a conference report when both chambers pass their versions of ObamaCare, and it’s just as likely that Rockefeller and Chuck Schumer offered this as a distraction from that effort.

Wonk Room’s Igor Volsky doesn’t disagree, outlining how a public option could reemerge during conference of the House and Senate bills:

Once in conference, negotiators will have to reconcile the Senate bill with its far more progressive House conterpart (which will include some kind of public plan). Should Reid and Pelosi stack the committee with public option advocates like Rockefeller, Schumer, or Schakowsky, the option will live another day — no Democrat would vote against a health care package simply because it includes a public option that attracts some 10 million enrollees. Conversely, if likely conferees Baucus and Conrad feel ‘constrained’ to vote with Republicans, the option will likely die.

At left-leaning supersite Huffington Post, Mike Lux says the public option remains “very much alive,” and continues, “getting 10 votes on this is promising for those of us who believe a public option is essential.”  Another post by main politics reporter Ryan Grim announcing the outcome of the vote has garnered a whopping 18,000 comments.

And of course, there’s tons of chatter on Twitter.

Wednesday, September 30th, 2009