Blog Watch

Archive for October, 2009

What Does The House Bill Really Cost?

Congressional Budget Office Director Douglas Elmendorf gives an overview of the “projected net cost of $894 billion over 10 years,” which includes sentences like this: “That net cost itself reflects a gross total of $1,055 billion in subsidies provided through the exchanges (and related spending), increased net outlays for Medicaid and the Children’s Health Insurance Program (CHIP), and tax credits for small employers; those costs are partly offset by $167 billion in collections of penalties paid by individuals and employers.”

The New York Times’ Robert Pear and David Herszenhorn think journalists should be using a different number to discuss the bill’s price tag: “But a closer look at the budget office report suggests that the number everyone should have reported was $1.055 trillion – which is the gross cost of the insurance coverage provisions in the bill before taking account of certain new revenues, including penalties by individuals and employers who fail to meet new insurance requirements in the bill.”

Economist Uwe Reinhardt on the New York Times’ Economix compares analyzing the cost with buying a suit. He writes about uncertainties in the CBO estimates: “How the C.B.O. would score a bill that might ultimately be approved by both the Senate and the House of Representatives, after endless log-rolling and winning the votes of individual legislators by promising added spending for their pet ideas, is anybody’s guess.”

James Capretta of The New Atlantis attacks how lawmakers wrote the spending provisions, saying, “To create the impression of fiscal responsibility, the bill is jury-rigged with budget gimmicks, implausible eligibility rules, and arbitrary, government-dictated price controls — that have been tried repeatedly without success — to make it look like it costs ‘only’ $900 billion over a decade.”

TPMDC’s Brian Beutler notes deficit hawk  Sen. Kent Conrad, D-N.D., is pleased: “It’s now paid for, has deficit reduction over the first 10, and savings over the second 10…that’s a big improvement. I commend the House. They’ve made significant strides and they deserve credit for it.”

Happy Halloween!

Friday, October 30th, 2009

A Rush To Dissect The House Bill

The House unveiled its final health overhaul bill this morning, presenting anxious Beltway observers with almost 2,000 pages to digest.

Some bloggers quickly went to work dissecting the bill, pointing out their least favorite provisions or looking for differences that remain with the other chamber.  Others are taking in the moment.

Critical Condition’s Mark Hemingway catalogues responses from GOP lawmakers, including Minority Leader John Boehner, who says the bill is “clearly designed for government takeover of our system.”

Wonk Room’s Igor Volsky has 10 reasons that Republicans should support the bill (though only one GOP senator has so far), framing  in an “Republicans asked for, Republicans got” style.  One example:

1. REPUBLICANS ASKED FOR – DEFICIT NEUTRAL BILL: “Do the American people believe that this almost 2,000 page bill won’t add to the deficit?” [Rep. Eric Cantor, 10/29/2009]

HOUSE BILL – DEFICIT NEUTRAL BILL: According to the Congressional Budget Office, the House bill costs $894 billion over 10 years and actually reduces the deficit by $30 billion and continues to reduce the deficit over the second 10 years.

Hot Air’s Ed Morrissey quips, “Nancy Pelosi and the House Democratic Caucus will unveil their version of ObamaCare this morning, and the New York Times reports some significant changes made in the last few days.  First, the ‘public option,’ which had changed to the quasi-Orwellian name of ‘competitive option,’ now goes the full 1984 to the ‘consumer option.’”

Heritage’s Marguerite Higgins writes, “As we scour through this 1,990-page monster of a bill (topping the 1,502-page health bill from the Senate Finance Committee), it will be important to determine how the feds and health care providers will come to these negotiated rates. Plus, other questions crop up, like will the government-run plan be subject to the same rules and market regulations that private insurers face? If we see the same language in the new House bill that was in H.R. 3200, then government will operate on an unlevel playing field where it has a clear advantage in the marketplace.”

Families USA’s Julia Eisman says the bill “sets a gold standard.”

The New Republic’s Jonathan Cohn titles his post, “House to PhRMA: No Deal.”  Cohn notes that the House bill does not square with the White House and PhRMA’s $80 billion deal: “The House, though, was not party to this deal. And so it’s decided to ask a little more–about twice as much, in fact.”

The Washington Post’s Ezra Klein interviews Rep. John Dingell, D-Mich., saying, “there is no politician alive today who has worked as long, or as hard, on health-care reform as Rep. John Dingell Jr.” Indeed, the octogenarian has worked on health legislation for decades. Dingell says, “This is the furthest I can recall health-care reform ever going, including in my days, and my dad’s days. A bill moving in the House. A bill moving in the Senate. Strong support in the admin. Strong popular support for the bill. A carefully crafted piece of legislation. A willingness of everybody to work together to work together towards what is a widely shared common goal.”

And The American Spectator’s Philip Klein points out new tax provisions, “Scanning through the bill, I noticed that the bill would add a new section to the federal tax code: “PART VIII:HEALTH CARE RELATED TAXES.” Among the new taxes are penalties for individuals who don’t purchase insurance and employers who don’t provide insurance, income tax surcharges of up to 5.6% to those earning more than $1 million, and a 2.5% excise tax on medical devices.”

Thursday, October 29th, 2009

There’s More To Blog Than The Public Plan

As bloggers work to digest the newly released House health overhaul bill (more on that later today), let’s take a look at other items circling the Web.

First, there’s a new Health Wonk Review, the bi-weekly roundup of health policy blogging.  Boston Health News’ Tinker Ready hosts the Halloween-themed edition.

Director Douglas Elmendorf blogs on the Congressional Budget Office’s new brief examining the state of drug research and development.  The report found that pharmaceutical companies spent $50 billion on R&D in 2008, up from the year before, but the number of new drug introductions has fallen since 2000.

Elmendorf writes: “Slower revenue growth for drugmakers does not mean that consumers are using fewer prescription drugs. In fact, the total number of prescriptions continues to increase, albeit more slowly since 2004. But generic drugs, which cost less than their brand-name counterparts, comprise a greater share of prescriptions, having risen from 42 percent in 2000 to 58 percent in 2007.”

The New Health Dialogue’s Meredith Hughes discusses preventing fraud and abuse in federal health programs.

AHCJ’s Andrew Van Dam points to a newReuters profile of the controversial founders of the Medical Tourism Association.

Jaan Sidorov reports that a key Medicare demonstration project — on a “medical home” model — in lieu of a larger House ‘pilot program.’  Vince Kuraitis has more.

The WSJ’s Jacob Goldstein reports that a billionaire physician is offering a $100 million line of credit to help reopen a perpetually struggling Los Angeles public hospital.

Health Populi’s Jane Sarasohn-Kahn looks at a new study that showed calorie displays in New York City led consumers who saw them to order food with an average of 106 fewer calories.

And physician Roy Poses of Health Care Renewal writes about why he thinks comparative effectiveness research is “a good idea.”

Thursday, October 29th, 2009

Mulling Over Lieberman’s Threat

Lieberman 200Bloggers are trying to figure out why Senator Joseph Lieberman, independent from Connecticut, announced yesterday that he would filibuster any bill containing a public option.

Slate’s Timothy Noah asks if “Lieberman just killed the public option?”  Noah thinks Lieberman’s motives lie with the clout of insurance companies in his state (approximately 64,000 emploees).  He concludes, “If I’m right that Lieberman is determined to line up behind the insurance industry, then there’s no hope he will ever support any version of the public option, even on a procedural cloture vote, because there’s no hope insurers will support a public option. And if health insurers decide in the end to oppose health reform without a public option, Lieberman will oppose that, too.”

The American Spectator’s Philip Klein quips, “Momentum for Government Plan Stopped by Joe-Mentum.”

Nate Silve of FiveThirtyEight.com says what Lieberman “wants, in all probability, is attention.”  Or maybe a puppy.

Hot Air’s Allah Pundit says, “I’ve got a crazy hunch that he media’s strange new respect for free-thinkin’ independent-minded centrists like Snowe and Susan Collins won’t be extended to Joe Liebs,” and offers an ‘exit question’: “Is it a bluff?”

The New Republic’s Jonathan Cohn doesn’t seem surprised by these developments: “I’ve been thinking for a couple weeks that Joe Lieberman is the Democrats’ biggest potential problem. The rest of the party has a strong incentive to pass health care reform and avoid a 2010 catastrophe. But Lieberman? He’s not a Democrat and won’t be running on the Democratic ticket in 2012. Moreover, my read on him is that he’s furious with the party, resentful of President Obama (who beat his friend in 2008) and would relish a Democratic catastrophe.”

Heritage’s Conn Carroll says Lieberman’s critique is “dead on.”  He announces, “Americans who like making their own health care choices received welcome news yesterday when Sen. Joe Lieberman (I-CT) said he would be willing to block final passage of Obamacare if the government run health insurance program Majority Leader Harry Reid (D-NV) announced Monday survives the amendment process during the Senate debate.”

But the Washington Post’s Ezra Klein takes a different tack: “I don’t know why I don’t take Joe Lieberman’s threat to filibuster health-care reform more seriously, but I just don’t.”  Klein thinks Lieberman’s objections to the bill will likely be settled by a CBO score.

Wednesday, October 28th, 2009

Reid’s Public Plan Compromise

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Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid’s new announcement on the health overhaul front: the inclusion of a public plan option in the Senate’s soon-to-be announced final bill. 

Reid settled on a state “opt-out” provision, which, as NPR’s Scott Hensley reports, could send the lone Republican supporter packing: “But Snowe cautioned her vote in favor of Baucus’s plans was just her vote for that day and not a guarantee of future support. Indeed, as Reid acknowledged Monday afternoon, Snowe ‘doesn’t like a public option of any kind.’ But, he hasn’t given up on her, ‘There will be a time, I hope, when she sees the wisdom of supporting a health-care bill” that includes a public option.’”

There’s plenty of time to keep lobbying Snowe, according to the New York Times’ David Herszenhorn: “Don’t get overexcited just yet. There’s still a long way to go. In the Great Health Care Debate of 2009, brief flashes of news, like Monday’s announcement by the Senate majority leader, Harry Reid of Nevada, that he would include a government-run plan in the Senate bill, are typically preceded and followed by long stretches of waiting and waiting. And this week will be no exception.”

Moving onto the opinion blogosphere, a read of reactions across the ideological spectrum reveals a fundmental disagreement between conservatives and liberals over what Sen. Reid’s compromise really represents.

Hot Air’s Allah Pundit is unimpressed: “[Reid] hasn’t even sent the bill to CBO to be scored yet so I’m not sure what we’re supposed to react to here, aside from the left’s success in getting something with a public plan to the floor which (a) may not even have 60 votes behind it and (b) is almost guaranteed to lose The One’s very small fig leaf of bipartisan support as Olympia Snowe walks away.”

Connie Hair of Human Events thinks the term “opt-out” is a “facade”: “Reid also said his bill will include an ‘opt out’ at the state level which is a façade. Can individuals ‘opt out’ of the penalties and the mandatory coverage?  Can individuals ‘opt out’ of paying for government-run health care for everyone else in the country in the form of higher premiums, higher taxes, and Medicare cuts?  Can small business owners ‘opt out’ of the higher payroll taxes?”

Heritage’s Conn Carroll says, “Opt out, the trigger, and co ops will not get to government run health care immediately. They will all take time to develop. But no matter what road they try and bring Americans down, the destination is always the same: everybody in out, nobody out; that is, was, and always will be Obama’s ultimate goal.”

Bloggers on the left have a vastly different interpretation: the Washington Post’s Ezra Klein calls the opt-out plan “conservative:”  

In many ways, this is a fundamentally conservative approach to a liberal policy experiment. It’s only offered to individuals eligible for the insurance exchanges, which is a small minority of the population. The majority of Americans who rely on employer-based insurance would not be allowed to choose the exchanges. From there, it is only one of many options on the exchange, and only in states that choose to have it. In other words, it has been designed to preserve the status quo and be decided on the state level. Philosophically, these are major compromises liberals have made on this plan. They should get credit for that.

Jonathan Cohn’s reaction? “Wow.”  Cohn, The New Republic’s health policy maven, continues, “it is hard to overstate what a turnaround this is–or how quickly it happened. By late summer, passing any reform at all looked like a fifty-fifty proposition at best. And even as the political environment shifted, the public option looked doomed. It was going to take sixty votes to get a public option through the Senate. The votes just weren’t there. To be clear, they still aren’t there.” 

Wonk Room’s Igor Volksy hews to his blog’s namesake by explaining what exactly the states could be opting-out from.  According to Volksy, it could be a national public plan that pays Medicare rates plus 5% or a national public plan that negotiates its own rates with providers. 

Volsky continues, “the other possibility — less likely given Reid’s reluctance to ask the CBO to score the proposal — is to combine the opt-out public option with a trigger — ensuring that states could only opt out of the public option if the private market offers meaningful and affordable coverage. Any opt-out proposal should also provide for a simple ‘opt-back-in process’ (mandating that state legislatures vote on the opt out every year, for instance.)”

Then there’s libertarian Michael Cannon, who thinks the compromise is just plain politics: “it helps [him] survive as majority leader by appeasing his left wing.  It doesn’t make it any more (or less) likely that Fannie Med will survive.”

Tuesday, October 27th, 2009

Just Thinking About…The ‘Public Option’

Looks like a final Senate health overhaul bill could be unveiled this week, and it’s certain to be another monumental paper stack for commentators around the nation to parse through.

The Heritage Foundation compiled a graphic (above) comparing the size of various bills, with the Finance Committee coming in at over 1,500 pages. 

Heritage’s Read Hederman writes:

[W]hat really has Congress League fans talking is that, for the first time in fifteen years, a team has set a new all-time division record for gigantic, unintelligible, unaffordable, over-regulatory, federal legislation.

Indeed, the big news is that S. 1796 has dethroned the previous all-time champion  in the League’s Health Division — the 1993 Clinton “Health Security Act” (S.1757, 103rd season). For nearly a decade and a half, the record set by the 1,364-page “Clinton Bill” — or “the doorstop,” as health policy experts, many of whom still keep souvenir copies on their bookshelves, affectionately know it — stood unchallenged. Not any more. With its extra 138 pages of heft, the Finance Committee bill beat the old Clinton bill record by a full ten percent!

Of course, the particulars of the Senate’s final bill are still in doubt, especially when it comes to the eternal “Will there be a ‘public plan option’” question.

We may know the answer sooner than anticipated: TPMDC’s Brian Beutler reports that Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid, Nev., is set to give a bill combining the HELP and Finance Committee efforts to the Congressional Budget Office today for a score.  According to Beutler, “A highly placed source suggests that bill is likely to include a public option with an opt out clause, despite the fact that the White House is skeptical that this is the most politically viable strategy.”

But Cato’s Michael Cannon calls the possibility of an “opt-out” for states “a ruse within a ruse.” Cannon, who refers to a public plan option as “Fannie Med,” argues: “State officials are obsessed with maximizing their share of federal dollars.  Voters will crucify officials who opt out.  Fannie Med supporters know that.  They’re counting on it. A state opt-out provision does not make Fannie Med any more moderate.  It is not a concession.”

Others are reporting that lawmakers are frustrated with the White House’s (lack of?) position on a public plan.   (more…)

Monday, October 26th, 2009

Many Flavors Of A Public Plan

Developments this week are “far from the last episode of ‘As the Public Option Turns.’”  Politico Pulse’s Chris Frates explains:

It’s dead. It’s alive. It’s robust, state-based and opt-out. It’s the public option in all its varied forms. And the flavor this week is the opt-out, a national public insurance plan that would allow states to opt out of participating. The proposal got a huge boost yesterday when word spread that Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid was inclined to include it in the Senate bill he will take to the floor. And while the news is important because it signals that the public option — left for dead after the August recess — is a contender again, yesterday’s breathless speculation on its bright future is a bit premature.

Jacob Hacker, widely credited as the originator of the public plan idea, comes out against a “trigger” idea on the New Republic’s The Treatment. Hacker says, “In short, we cannot wait for a public plan—and one of the biggest problems with a trigger is that it virtually guarantees we will have to.”

The Washington Post’s Ezra Klein outlines scenarios in the House, which appears ready to present three different ‘public plan’ “flavors”:

The House of Representatives is readying itself to release three delicious flavors of health-care reform. One of the bills will have a public option trigger. Another will have a level-playing field proposal. And the third will have the Hardy’s Thickburger of public options: Medicare rates plus 5 percent, national, the whole deal. They’re even forming a commission of independent experts to build a new formula that addresses the concerns of rural and Pacific Coast members, both of whom feel that Medicare underpays their hospitals.

It doesn’t matter to James Capretta which version the House goes with. He blasts House Dems’ strategy to pass a tweaked bill, frustrated that nothing has been presented for public viewing:

If House leaders decide to go public with CBO’s apparent bottom line, CBO really should be obligated to go public with the entire analysis to ensure no misunderstanding. Otherwise CBO’s findings can be distorted. House Democrats are trying to build momentum again toward passage by creating the impression they have found a painless way to turn their budget-busting bill from July into one that actually cuts the deficit. It’s CBO’s job to make sure no one gets away with this kind of phony free-lunch argument. If in fact a new version of the House bill reduces the federal budget deficit over two decades, someone is paying. Who? Here’s betting that’s it’s the American middle class. And as soon as that becomes known, the new updated House bill is likely to become just as unpopular as the now dead and buried old one.

Is some of the opposition to Dems’ plans floundering? Politico’s Ben Smith says insurers are failing in their efforts to get positive publicity for new reports on the cost of health overhaul bills: “What might have in another era been a clean shot — for AHIP, a leak to the Washington Post; today, to another paper; instead seems to be sending these documents as orphans into a media universe that views them, appropriately, as arguments for one side, rather than revelatory statements of fact, and where left-leaning wonks are primed to tear them apart.”

Insure Blog’s Bob Vineyard calls President Obama “a finger wagging President” while mulling over the health overhaul debate and says, “The politicians promise to make health care and health insurance more affordable. Problem is, the way they are going about it won’t accomplish either. So now both sides, politicians and health insurance companies, are pointing fingers saying the other side lied.  If either side really knows the truth, they aren’t telling it.”

Think Progress’ Matthew Yglesias reviews comments from Sen. Mary Landrieu, D-La., (highlighed by the Washington Monthly’s Steve Benen) that some people like the idea of a public plan option because they think it would mean “free health care.”  Yglesias concludes: “I think maybe she doesn’t understand what’s being proposed and thinks that liberals are proposing to create an additional spending commitment. In reality, adding a public option would make the Finance bill cheaper and not involve any additional taxpayer subsidies.”

Reason’s Ronald Bailey takes the former point to the extreme — saying “no one knows anything in health care.”  His solution? “Competition in markets tends to lower prices and improve quality over time. It can do so in health care markets as well.”

Friday, October 23rd, 2009

Was The Medicare Payment Fix Undercovered?

Bloggers are reacting to yesterday’s Senate vote on “fixing” future Medicare payments to docs, along with more commentary on everyone’s (apparent) favorite topic to cheer or jeer: the public option.    

Bob Laszewski says a vote that rejected increasing Medicare payments to physicians and hospitals in the face of looming cuts “was easy to predict,” but notes, “In a town steeped in the cynical traditions of politics a bunch of Senators and some career federal health care experts both chose to do the right thing during the last 24-hours. If they keep this up we just might find our way to real health care reform some day!”

Heritage’s Conn Carroll says that the failed Medicare ‘doc fix’ vote “marks a significant failure of the Left’s special interest approach to passing Obamacare. From the beginning, the White House thought that if it bought off all of the business interests involved (the American Medical Association, the drug industry, health insurers, hospitals, etc.) opposition to the plan would wither.”

Wonk Room’s Igor Volsky says Republicans’ vote against the bill was “hypocritical” because “[Senate Minority Leader Mitch] McConnell supported paying for the SGR patch (the payment fix) with deficit spending before he opposed it. Since Congress began fixing the formula in 1999, he — and the majority of the Republican party — rarely objected to barrowing “another cent to pay for it.” McConnell has voted to patch the SGR five different times, three of his votes resulted in increased deficits”

On the public option, Slate’s Timothy Noah argues that there are three “likely” reasons that a new Washington Post/ABC poll was framed as “ some miraculous resurgence…1) Majority support for the public option has been ignored in Washington. … 2) Political reporters are momentum junkies, forever plotting out momentary trends to infinity. … 3) The insurance lobby goofed.”

Meanwhile, The Washington Post’s Ezra Klein discusses three “public option compromises:”  There are three ‘compromise’ public options currently being considered in the U.S. Senate (and yes, I know many argue that the public option is itself a compromise, and there’s something to that). Ben Nelson is advocating one. Olympia Snowe is behind another. Jay Rockefeller is talking up a third. Herewith, a guide for the perplexed.”

And Cato’s Michael Cannon has a new paper on “Yes, Mr. President, A Free Market Can Fix Health Care (pdf).”  He lists options for Congress to incorporate more free-market principles, including allowing the sale of insurance across state lines and reforming the tax treatment of health insurance.  Cannon concludes, “Would a free market be nirvana?  Of course not.  But fewer Americans would fall through the cracks than under the status quo or the government takeover advancing through Congress.”

Thursday, October 22nd, 2009

Video Break

Some entertaining skits for you this morning – one promoting the “public option” and another sponosored by an insurance company.

First, Heather Graham stars as “the public option” in a new Moveon.org spot, first reported by the Huffington Post:

 

Then there’s a video from Northwest Regence Blue Cross Blue Shield that asks, “What if everything worked like health care?” (Via Disruptive Women in Health Care)  The ad is part of a campaign, What’s the Real Cost?

Thursday, October 22nd, 2009

Mulling It All Over

There’s more (again) on the public plan today as health overhaul efforts move forward, while other writers are looking at charges of propaganda the AMA, health insurance exchanges and conflicts of interest.

The Hill reported Tuesday that Speaker Nancy Pelosi, D-Calif., plans to ask the Democratic House caucus to unite behind a “strong public plan option” today.  The New Republic’s Jonathan Cohn examines the news and says “Pelosi’s actions have provoked two very different reactions from within the [pro] reform community: Glee and fear.”

FiveThiryEight’s Nate Silver, a longtime poll watcher, gives 1o reasons he thinks an “impure” public option will is gaining momentum “(probably)”, including “the fact that the CBO thinks it will save money,” along with “Polls in myriad swing states and swing districts showing the public option is reasonably popular in these region.”

Critical Condition’s Kellyanne Conwaycalls Washington Post/ABC poll highlighting support for a public plan option “agenda-driven polling,” arguing: “Our side has not done enough to discredit and expose the positive-sounding “public option” for what it truly is: a government grab of one of the most intimate matters people face, and one about which most of them are presently content. Additionally, “private” is the opposite of public, and privacy is an important word in the overall health-care lexicon. We should message this aspect of “public option” as well.”

Perhaps illustrating Conway’s point, the Washington Post’s Ezra Klein thinks Sen. Ben Nelson’s shiffting comments, from “’states can opt out of the public option’ rather than ‘no public option at all’ suggests the goal posts on this are moving, and rapidly.”

Elsewhere, Hot Air’s Ed Morrissey is outraged by the fact that “One official government website now includes a form to express support of Dear Leader President Obama’s effort to overhaul the American medical system, a clear violation of laws against executive-branch propaganda through public channels.” (cross-out his).  Morrissey notes: “Senator Chuck Grassley, R-Iowa, sent a letter to Secretary Kathleen Sebelius requesting an explanation because of concerns that the button could violate rules governing executive-branch promotion through public channels.    

Morrissey concludes, “it’s impossible to read this as anything but propaganda for the White House.  And what happens to the contact information entered in the form?  Does that get used by Barack Obama for his re-election campaign?”

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The New York Times’ Katharine Seelye reports that protestors are planning on showing up at the health insurance industry’s (AHIP) conference later this week.

The Heritage Foundation interviews conservative commentator Bill Kristol who believes “Obamacare will … fail.”

Linda Gorman on John Goodman’s Health Policy Blog asks “who does the [American Medical Association] really represent?”

Bill Kramer on the Health Care Blog says now is the “last chance to fix” health insurance exchanges.

 And Louise Norris of Colorado Health Insurance Insider, jumping off an Oct. 5th post about conflicts of interest among hospital boards, examines one in Colorado and says, “In order to make health insurance premiums (the direct cost that consumers tend to notice) more affordable, we have to make health care more affordable.  Perhaps filling our hospital board of director rosters with a Who’s Who of the richest people in the city isn’t the best way to go about that mission.”

Wednesday, October 21st, 2009